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Hispanic-American Village News
villages/hispanic/ AP Headlines Update Page
Stats on Hispanic population per US state
Does Latino population growth equal influence?
Campaign to award Medal of Honor to dead WW II marine
Cuban father pays price for custody of daughter
Farm worker advocates to petition Burger King
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Hispanic American Village News

By The Associated Press


 

Stats on Hispanic population per US state

By The Associated Press

May 01 08:08

Number of Hispanics in each state as of July 1, 2000 and July 1, 2007, and the percentage change:

State         2007        2000  Change

Ala.       124,741      76,505    63.0

Alaska      39,985      26,058    53.4

Ariz.    1,878,097   1,313,139    43.0

Ark.       150,270      87,676    71.4

Calif.  13,220,891  11,059,683    19.5

Colo.      965,885     745,611    29.5

Conn.      403,375     323,318    24.8

Del.        56,152      37,706    48.9

D.C.        49,016      45,263     8.3

Fla.     3,755,560   2,715,185    38.3

Ga.        740,843     440,991    68.0

Hawaii     105,172      87,879    19.7

Idaho      147,426     102,901    43.3

Ill.     1,919,690   1,543,892    24.3

Ind.       315,089     216,736    45.4

Iowa       119,734      83,243    43.8

Kan.       244,306     190,033    28.6

Ky.         94,626      60,535    56.3

La.        136,562     108,630    25.7

Maine       15,656       9,480    65.1

Md.        356,227     230,235    54.7

Mass.      527,859     432,943    21.9

Mich.      402,797     326,955    23.2

Minn.      205,896     145,000    42.0

Miss.       60,168      39,945    50.6

Mo.        178,421     119,803    48.9

Mont.       26,725      18,241    46.5

Neb.       133,832      95,279    40.5

Nev.       644,484     400,525    60.9

N.H.        32,927      20,807    58.2

N.J.     1,382,031   1,127,633    22.6

N.M.       874,688     769,758    13.6

N.Y.     3,162,382   2,889,915     9.4

N.C.       638,444     383,359    66.5

N.D.        12,002       7,856    52.8

Ohio       283,755     219,073    29.5

Okla.      261,635     180,810    44.7

Ore.       396,140     278,091    42.4

Pa.        556,132     397,257    40.0

R.I.       118,960      91,755    29.6

S.C.       168,920      96,059    75.9

S.D.        18,477      11,009    67.8

Tenn.      215,439     125,147    72.1

Texas    8,600,399   6,738,860    27.6

Utah       306,514     204,190    50.1

Vt.          8,170       5,565    46.8

Va.        508,217     333,277    52.5

Wash.      610,005     445,963    36.8

W.Va.       19,350      12,425    55.7

Wis.       271,830     194,847    39.5

Wyo.        38,409      31,939    20.3

Nation  45,504,311  35,648,985    27.6

Source: Census Bureau


Does Latino population growth equal influence?

By SUZANNE GAMBOA

Associated Press Writer

May 01 08:07

WASHINGTON (AP) - The number of Hispanics in the United States rose by 1.4 million over a year's time to 45.5 million as of last July, with the most rapid increases in the South.

The continuing growth could increase their influence, and this election year has focused more attention on how much the Hispanic population is increasing.

Nine of the top 10 states with the highest growth rates in their populations were in the South, according to new census data released Thursday.

South Carolina topped the list with an 8.7 percent increase, gaining 13,569 Hispanics, according to an analysis of the Census data by William Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institution. The state's total Hispanic population was 168,920 last July 1, a 76 percent increase from July 2000.

Other Southern states that saw increases are Tennessee, with 8.1 percent growth; North Carolina, 7.8 percent; Georgia, 7.1 percent; Alabama, Mississippi and Kentucky, 7 percent; Arkansas, 6.8; Louisiana, 6.5 percent. Florida had a 3.6 percent gain, which ranked 37th among states.

Utah ranked eighth with a 6.9 percent growth rate.

For the second consecutive year, Texas accounted for more of the gains in the numbers of Hispanics than California. Texas' share was about 21.2 percent of the additional Hispanics in 2007, while California's share was 18.5., according to Frey's analysis. But California still leads in total number of Hispanics with 13.2 million, compared to Texas' 8.6 million.

With those increases boosting Hispanics to 15.1 percent of the U.S. population, voting booths are being watched closely this year for Hispanic turnout.

Some Hispanic advocacy groups predict about 10 million Hispanics will show up at the polls, motivated by the usual concerns about the economy, health care and the war and an added catalyst of dismay over attitudes from anti-immigration movements.

"We obviously know that Latino population growth is not perfectly mirrored in the Latino voting population,'' said Clarissa Martinez, National Council of La Raza director of immigration and national campaigns.

Hispanics are a significant part of the electorate in the battleground states of Nevada, New Mexico, Florida and Colorado, she said. "Look at the primary turnout, Latinos are demonstrating they are engaged in numbers we haven't seen before.''

In California's March Democratic primary, Hispanics accounted for 31 percent of the vote, up from 16 percent in 2004, according to exit polls. In Texas, their share of the Democratic primary vote rose from 24 percent to 32 percent.

But in some states, the change is smaller. In Ohio, their turnout was up to 4 percent in the Democratic primary, compared with 3 percent in 2004.

Along with low turnout at elections, Hispanics are underrepresented among those elected.

There were 5,129 Hispanic elected officials in local, state and federal office as January 2007, about 1 percent of all office holders, said William Ramos, Washington director of the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials. There were 5,132 in January 2006.

Expectations are that growth of the Hispanic population in the Southeastern U.S. will help raise those numbers, Ramos said.

Larry Gonzalez, a lobbyist with the Raben Group, says he experiences the growing influence of the increasing Hispanic population when prospective clients come to his lobbying firm looking for ways to reach the community.

"It's clear to us there's a whole economic impact from the growth of the Latino community, said Gonzalez, who formed the Hispanic Lobbying Association. "That's what we see on the lobbying end, when people come to us and say, 'Help us engage the (Hispanic) community.'''

Gonzalez said the latest numbers should underscore the need for policymakers and politicians to pay attention to the Hispanic population.

"It bears repeating, the future of Americans is going to depend on the future of the success of Latinos,'' he said.

Congress gave that population's growth a limited nod Tuesday night when it passed legislation to create a commission to study whether to add a museum in the Smithsonian Institution system dedicated to the contributions of U.S. Hispanics. Money still must be provided for the commission.

On the Net: U.S. Census Bureau: http://www.census.gov


Campaign to award Medal of Honor to dead WW II marine

By ADRIAN SAINZ

Associated Press Writer

Apr 30 19:14

MIAMI (AP) - Armed and alone, U.S. Marine Guy Gabaldon roamed Saipan's caves and pillboxes, using his Japanese language skills to convince enemy soldiers and civilians to surrender during the hellish World War II island battle in the summer of 1944.

Warning the Japanese they would die if they stayed in the caves, Gabaldon told them Marines were not torturers as they had heard, but instead would feed them and give them medical care. Many agreed, and Gabaldon, 18, led them back to U.S. lines.

By the time the battle ended, the 5-foot, 3-inch tall Gabaldon had lured more than 1,000 Japanese out of the steamy caves. He was praised as being both brave and compassionate, and he received a Silver Star -- later upgraded to a Navy Cross. His actions were recounted in a 1957 episode of "This is Your Life'' and a 1960 feature film called "Hell to Eternity.''

Now, more than 60 years after Saipan and almost two years after his death, a campaign has been launched to persuade U.S. officials to give Gabaldon the Medal of Honor, the nation's highest military award. The new documentary "East L.A. Marine'' is part of that effort, and a Web site urges supporters to sign a pro-medal petition. The film asks whether Gabaldon's Hispanic heritage has prevented him from receiving the medal; others have blamed his tough and outspoken nature.

Meanwhile, critics question whether Gabaldon deserves the medal, saying his story does not measure up to other feats of gallantry and sacrifice on Saipan.

"It's a much bigger issue than any of us realize,'' said Steve Rubin, who directed the documentary, which will be available May 6 on getguythemedal.com for $19.95. "Guy is a symbol not only of a hero in war, but a man who treated people humanely. He killed people, sure, but having grown up essentially as a Japanese, he treated them as human beings.''

Guy Louis Gabaldon grew up in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles, his father a machinist whose relatives were Spanish conquistadors. One of five children, Gabaldon became close with a Japanese-American family at age 11 and made friends with Japanese boys.

In his diverse neighborhood, Gabaldon earned a reputation for fearlessness, jumping out of second-story windows and hopping freight trains.

"He was a real ornery little guy,'' friend Manuel Paulin says in the documentary. "He was always picking a fight with somebody.''

Gabaldon learned the Japanese-American vernacular and absorbed the culture by delivering Japanese newspapers and picking crops with other Japanese-Americans.

When Japan attacked Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941, the U.S. went to war, and more than 100,000 people of Japanese heritage, including many of Gabaldon's friends, were sent to internment camps.

"He got very upset when the government put the Japanese in concentration camps,'' said his second wife, Ohana Gabaldon, who lives in Old Town in central Florida.

Gabaldon was accepted into the Marines in 1943 as a scout observer and, with knowledge of Japanese, an interpreter. Gabaldon hit the shores of Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands on June 15, 1944.

Saipan and neighboring Tinian were part of the American island-hopping campaign to oust the Japanese from Pacific islands. Tinian later became the launching point for the B-29 bombers that dropped the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

The battle was notoriously bloody, with bodies strewn throughout the small island, infesting it with flies hovering over rotting corpses. Combat was often in close quarters in cane fields, jungles and caves, and more than 3,200 Americans and 23,800 Japanese were killed, according to a 1994 Marine Corps pamphlet, "Breaching the Marianas: The Battle for Saipan.''

Civilians, some prisoners of Japanese soldiers, hid to avoid capture by the Americans. Fearing torture and murder, Japanese civilians blew themselves up with grenades or jumped off Saipan's cliffs to avoid capture.

Gabaldon did his share of killing. One day, he ventured behind enemy lines on his own and brought back a gaggle of Japanese prisoners. Gabaldon was scolded by his commanding officer, Col. John Schwabe, but went out by himself again and returned with more Japanese.

Satisfied that Gabaldon knew what he was doing, Schwabe let him continue his one-man mission.

"He would go up to the mouth of that cave and jabber, jabber, jabber, and pretty soon somebody would dribble out,'' Schwabe said in the documentary.

On Saipan, the U.S. military's civilian captives included women and children. They were hungry and sick, suffering from afflictions ranging from shell shock to leprosy, according to the Marine pamphlet.

By the battle's end, Gabaldon had rounded up 1,000 to 1,500 Japanese  --including a purported 800 in one day.

"Working alone in front of the lines, he contributed materially to the success of the campaign and, through his efforts, a definite humane treatment of civilian prisoners was insured,'' says a Marine Corps document detailing Gabaldon's credentials for a Silver Star.

In the documentary, Gabaldon discussed his motivation.

"Being raised in the barrio, every day is a fight,'' Gabaldon said. "You're fighting to survive in the barrio and I think that might have had something to do with my personality, my makeup. I knew I was doing something that had never been done in World War II.''

Gabaldon was later wounded and evacuated to an Army field hospital in January 1945, according to the document provided by the Marine Corps History Division.

Schwabe, in a May 1960 letter, said there was confusion after Saipan over who was responsible for recommending Gabaldon for the Medal of Honor. Gabaldon did receive a Silver Star and a Purple Heart, records show.

After the war, Gabaldon's story was lost amid all the military milestones that followed. Gabaldon returned to the United States, and later lived in Saipan and Mexico before settling in Florida.

In June 1957, Gabaldon was featured on the TV show "This is Your Life'' hosted by Ralph Edwards. Two Japanese friends also appeared.

In 1960, "Hell to Eternity'' was released, starring Jeffrey Hunter, a 6-foot tall, handsome actor. Hunter looked nothing like the short, unremarkable-looking Gabaldon, and clearly was not Hispanic.

"When there was a movie made about his life, and that part of him is completely obliterated ... people who are familiar with this issue are really appalled by that,'' said Maggie Rivas-Rodriguez, a University of Texas journalism professor who interviewed Gabaldon and hundreds of other men and women of the World War II generation. "His ethnicity was really who he was.''

The film started an effort to get Gabaldon the Medal of Honor. Schwabe officially recommended him for the medal in his May 1960 letter. On Dec. 20, 1960, the Department of Defense said it upgraded Gabaldon's Silver Star to a Navy Cross: A news release said the upgrade came "after Gabaldon's records were revised at his request.''

But the Medal of Honor never reached Gabaldon, despite occasional efforts by Hispanic groups and even politicians who pushed for the award.

Gabaldon, who retired to Florida after running a variety of businesses, suffered a stroke in the late 1990s, his wife said. He never really mellowed or abandoned his love for fishing and other adventures, including flying planes, she said. Gabaldon died in September 2006 at age 80.

Gabaldon's wife said he talked about racism he experienced as a serviceman. But, as a man of contradictions who could kill Japanese in Saipan at one moment and rescue them the next, he never lost his love for the Marine Corps: "He was a Marine first, and then Guy,'' she said.

However, he was hurt that he never learned why he had not gotten the Medal of Honor, leading him and others to wonder whether his being Hispanic had anything to do with it, his wife said.

"He just wanted an explanation why,'' Ohana Gabaldon said. "Nobody came up with the truth, you know. I guess what Guy wanted to hear from the Marine Corps is that `We goofed.' He told me he wasn't going to see the Medal of Honor in his lifetime.''

The documentary takes on the question of why Gabaldon was not given the Medal of Honor, comparing his exploits to those who did, like World War II's Audie Murphy.

In the film, narrator Freddie Prinze Jr. asks: "What caused this inequity? Was it because Guy Gabaldon was of Hispanic heritage? Was it because he had a big mouth and wasn't afraid to say what he felt?''

Gabaldon is discussed in a book by University of the South professor Harold J. Goldberg titled "D-Day in the Pacific: The Battle of Saipan.'' The book says some Marines estimated that Gabaldon captured only about half of the number he claimed.

The book quotes Marine Sgt. David Dowdakin, who served with I Company, 3rd Battalion, 2nd Marines.

"Dowdakin admitted that Gabaldon had his defenders, but he added that `the rest of us think he is an importuning glory seeker who is playing the race card. But, then, the two traits often go together: bravery and glory seeking.'''

Goldberg, who interviewed other former Marines for his book, said Gabaldon was a brave and tough Marine. But he said there would be upset Marine veterans if Gabaldon was to get the medal because there are others who are as deserving.

"This constant sort of glory-seeking really grates on a lot of other Marines who just feel he was trying to separate himself out from what every other Marine did,'' Goldberg said in a telephone interview. 

Capt. Amy Malugani, a Marines spokeswoman, said the Marines are precluded from discussing any individual.

"In view of the additional sensitivity regarding the Medal of Honor cases, exceptional care shall be exercised to avoid disclosure of any information, including but not limited to, the fact that an individual has been recommended for the award,'' she wrote in an e-mail to The Associated Press.

But Malugani also said the Secretary of the Navy is conducting a mandatory review of the service records of each Jewish and Hispanic-American veteran who won the Navy Cross for actions during World War II, the Korean and Vietnam wars, and Operation Desert Storm, to determine if any should be awarded the Medal of Honor.

Gabaldon's widow notes that politics could be involved in the decision as Hispanics flex their political clout. On the other side of the argument, Goldberg says the medal should not be used as a "political football.''

"We're becoming not so much a minority anymore,'' said Ohana Gabaldon, who is of Japanese and Mexican descent. "Maybe this is the time that the Latino vote counts, what Washington cares about so much.

"They can take the opportunity to right a wrong and be aware of what Latinos have done for this country.''


Cuban father pays price for custody of daughter

By LAURA WIDES-MUNOZ

AP Hispanic Affairs Writer

Apr 29 13:33

MIAMI (AP) - The 5-year-old with hazel eyes and a bouncy ponytail swung across the monkey bars as her Cuban father Rafael Izquierdo proudly watched nearby, ready to catch her.

"Look at me go Papi!'' she squealed, just before she dropped into his waiting arms.

In the six months since Izquierdo regained custody of his young daughter after a high-profile court case, the two have developed a deep bond. It is one they never shared when the girl lived in Cuba with her mother, let alone after she first came to the U.S. and sparked an intense, international custody battle.

Yet in reclaiming one child, Izquierdo has found himself separated from nearly everything and everyone else he loves. He lives alone with her in the U.S., jobless -- a pariah to many Cuban-Americans who cannot fathom why he would want to return with the girl to the poverty-seeped, communist island their own families fled.

Last month, Izquierdo's pregnant wife Yanara Alvarez and their 7-year-old daughter Rachel returned to Cuba so Alvarez could take advantage of the country's free medical care during their son's birth. Mother and daughter have yet to receive permission from U.S. immigration authorities to return to Miami, Izquierdo's attorney said.

Meanwhile, Izquierdo has received no guarantee that if he leaves for a weekend to visit them, he can return.

"I'm sad that I'm not there with them. What does a father want more than to be with his family and receive his son?'' Izquierdo told The Associated Press. The AP has agreed not to use the girl's name.

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services spokeswoman Ana Santiago declined to comment on the case.

"Privacy consideration preclude us from confirming or denying if a person has filed an application with USCIS as well as commenting on a person's immigration status,'' she said in a statement.

Some days it is difficult for Izquierdo, a pig and potato farmer, to understand how he got to this place.

"In my village, I was never in the paper. People knew me, but I wasn't famous,'' he said.

It is a complicated story, one that has drawn comparisons to the 2000 fight over Elian Gonzalez. During a separation from Alvarez, Izquierdo had a brief affair and his lover got pregnant. After their daughter's birth, the woman took the girl to the U.S. with Izquierdo's permission. He stayed in Cuba with his wife.

But the woman was deeply troubled and soon lost custody of her daughter, who ended up with wealthy Cuban-American foster parents. They doted on her and wanted to keep her. The state government backed them -- Govs. Jeb Bush and Charlie Crist were regularly updated. Its attorneys argued, among other things, that Izquierdo was unfit.

To complicate matters, the foster parents adopted the girl's older brother by a different father. If she went back to Cuba with Izquierdo, the siblings might be separated for years because of travel restrictions imposed by both governments. Eventually, Izquierdo cut a deal. He got custody of his daughter, but he can't take her out of the U.S. until May 2010, and her former foster parents get her for two weekends a month.

"With all those psychologists, and therapists, it was confusing. She was suffering. In the long run, they were going to damage her. I had to dance to their dance,'' Izquierdo said of the agreement.

On a recent afternoon, Izquierdo's daughter boasted about his fishing prowess, and they argued over who would tell the story of his latest catch.

His daughter now calls Alvarez "Mami,'' and becoming "Mr. Mami'' was no easy task for Izquierdo, especially after months of scrutiny from psychologists and lawyers over everything from breakfast choices to bath time.

"She asks so many questions. She is so smart. Sometime she astounds me,'' Izquierdo said.

In recent months, he's learned to do ponytails and that Hannah Montana is cool, but his landlady said the girl recently asked her if she was going to be her new mom.

Izquierdo says it was his older daughter Rachel who most helped the girl adjust to her new life with his family. And in a conversation, her name surfaces constantly.

"Papi, remember how Rachel taught me to dance?'' the girl asked at the playground, adding wistfully, "If Rachel were here, she would show me. I would be able to get all the way across the monkey bars by myself.''

During the weekends his daughter goes to her former foster parents Joe and Maria Cubas, he passes time with a few friends and watches a lot of TV. He has gained a slick Miami style and a small paunch.

Joe Cubas, a former agent for major league baseball players, said the transitions are hard on the girl.

"When we have her, and we have to return her, it's devastating. She does everything she can, cries and kicks and pleads not to be returned,'' he said. "It's heartbreaking because there's nothing we can do.'' 

Cubas said he is concerned that the girl's therapy recently ended, given the separation from her stepmother and sister and the continued the transition between the two families. Izquierdo said he believes in therapy, but he never trusted his daughter's therapist, who testified against him in the custody case.

He ended those sessions but has kept in touch with another therapist in the case and acknowledged his daughter is often sad when she returns from the Cubases.

"It goes away after a while, but it is hard,'' he said.

Izquierdo has yet to find work. After so much separation, he said he wants to find something that would allow him to be home with his daughter after school. Yet the economy is tough, he lacks a car and some potential employers and friends have told him they're afraid to help because they fear a backlash from the community. At the local coffee shop, people still stop and stare.

The Cuban government hasn't provided financial support, he said, but since his public benefits ran out, a few people in the community have stepped up.

"I hate Fidel Castro,'' was the first thing his landlady Raiza Aguilar said when asked about Izquierdo. "But Rafael is not a bad person....the first year in the U.S. is very difficult, especially with his wife and his daughter over there.''

Yet even Aguilar questioned why he still wants to go home.

"I'm a farmer. I lived close to the earth,'' Izquierdo explained. "The experience here, it didn't allow me to feel very positive.''


Farm worker advocates to petition Burger King

By LAURA WIDES-MUNOZ

AP Hispanic Affairs Writer

Apr 28 18:43

MIAMI (AP) - Farm worker advocates sought to present more than 80,000 signatures to Burger King officials Monday urging the fast-food giant to join McDonald's Corp. and Taco Bell to help boost the wages of Florida tomato pickers and improve working conditions in the fields.

The presentation of the petitions, collected from all 50 states and 43 countries, came the same day that a newspaper reported a top Burger King official used his young daughter's e-mail address to spread misinformation about the farmworker group.

"We want Burger King to come to the discussion table and enter into an agreement with the coalition,'' said Gerardo Reyes, a farmworker and member of the group, the Coalition of Immokalee Workers. "We are making the same demands we have made of the rest of the fast-food industry.''

Reyes said the petitions were a precursor to a boycott. The coalition waged a successful boycott against Taco Bell owner Yum Brands several years ago.

Officials for Burger King did not receive the petitions, which were left outside its Miami headquarters. The company said the comments attributed to the official do not reflect its official policy.

"We have a robust vendor code of conduct which mandates zero tolerance for worker exploitation and abuse, and we are open to any responsible suggestions for improvement,'' spokeswoman Denise Wilson said in a statement.

"If their position is different, then they should clear it up immediately, not with words but with concrete actions,'' Reyes told a crowd of nearly 200 workers and supporters outside the Burger King headquarters.

During a Senate hearing on the issue earlier this month, lawmakers called for an investigation into Florida tomato picker conditions.

Both McDonald's and Yum Brands have agreed to a deal with the coalition in which the companies pay growers a penny more per pound for the tomatoes they buy. The growers pass on the money to their workers. The deal also calls on the companies to work with the coalition to establish a code of conduct for their suppliers.

But since last fall the deal has existed on paper only after the industry group representing Florida tomato growers refused to allow its members to participate. The growers maintain workers are treated well in Florida and earn wages that can average $12.50 an hour.

Burger King has echoed these statements and refused to sign a deal with the coalition, citing an array of concerns -- including how the extra money would be distributed. At one point, Burger King Vice President Stephen Grover told reporters he was concerned the coalition was pocketing the extra money. After several independent groups that verified the agreements dismissed the allegations, Burger King officials stopped repeating them.

But the allegations were repeated on blog posts, according to a story published Monday in The News-Press in Fort Myers. The paper traced those posts to the online user name of Grover's daughter. The girl, who is in middle school, later confirmed to the paper her father had used her online screen name.

In a post still available Monday on YouTube, an individual with the girl's screen name wrote: "The CIW is an attack organization lining the leaders pockets by attacking restaurant companies. They make up issues and collect money from dupes that believe their story....''

Messages left for Grover at work and at home by The Associated Press on Monday were not immediately returned.

His wife, Susan Grover, confirmed the screen name was their daughter's but said she didn't know if her husband had used it. She accused the News-Press reporter of not identifying herself as a journalist to their daughter.

Reporter Amy Bennett Williams said she did identify herself and told the girl she was taking notes. She also said she left all of her contact information, which the girl's mother later used to call and complain.

Burger King spokeswoman Wilson said the company welcomed a congressional investigation into farm labor conditions and wages.

"Comments attributed to Steve Grover do not reflect Burger King's desire to find a way to assure decent wages and modern working conditions for the tomato harvesters in Immokalee,'' she said.

In recent months Burger King has publicly urged the coalition to provide them with a copy of the agreements it signed with Yum Brands and McDonald's, saying it wants to review them before deciding how to proceed.

The coalition has said the only information they have not already made public are details related to the companies' individual purchasing patterns, which they say the companies have asked them not to share. Both the coalition and Yum Brands have offered to outline the structure of the agreements more generally. 


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